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An Interview With Professor Abel Esterhuyse on the Interface between Terrorism and Armed Force on the African Continent

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An Interview With Professor Abel Esterhuyse on the Interface between Terrorism and Armed Force on the African Continent

RIMA Occasional Q & A , Volume 6 (2018), Number 1 (April 2018)

  1. According to the Mo Ibrahim Foundation there has been a 1000 percent increase in terrorists attacks on African soil since 2006. In your opinion what accounts for this escalation?

 

Three key factors, in my view, shaped the rise in violent terrorism on the African continent.  Firstly, it is impossible to isolate the Islamic and Muslim communities in Africa from what is happening in the rest of the Islamic world.  The deep divisions within the Islamic world and the radicalisation of certain segments of the Muslim communities outside Africa is definitely also affecting the followers of the faith in Africa.  This process was further inspired and given impetus by the political turmoil in a large part of Islamic Africa that culminated with the Western-inspired regime change and military involvement in Libya, Mali, and other places.  Secondly, large ungoverned spaces are a reality of African political geography.  It provide many rebel and dissident groups with safe havens to hide from the security forces, radicalise and build their institutional capacities.  This reality is rooted in the historical reality of Africa’s states’ borders, the size of many African states, and the fact that the reach of the central government is often limited because of physical geography of many of these states. Thirdly, and this is something that the more liberal peace building communities and NGOs in Africa do not want to hear, but Africa as a continent is under-militarised.  Not only is African defence budgets too small; but it is also not used to full effect and efficiency.  As a rule, African armed forces are too small, and lacking in professionalism and capacity.  Thus, the lack of military and security governance is a key factor in explaining the growth of international terrorism in Africa.

 

  1. It has often been asserted that Africa’s armed forces have been largely trained to conduct conventional battles and therefore are ill-suited to engage in asymmetric warfare or embark on counter-insurgency operations. Would you agree with this?

 

The assertion that African armed forces are conventional in orientation is rooted in the reality that African armed forces are often trained by conventionally minded forces of super and major powers from outside of Africa.  Conventional training is not necessarily bad for armed forces.  The basic military drills and discipline that accompanied this kind of training are a necessity for professional armed forces.  There are two key problems though.  African armed forces do not necessarily build their own institutional knowledge of African conflicts and security.  Stated differently, African military personnel often do not read and write. How often do you find the autobiography of a retired African general in bookstores around the continent of Africa? And because African officers and military personnel do not engage in serious writing, African armed forces cannot develop their own tailor-made doctrines.  Thus, they rely on doctrines from outside of Africa to train their forces for an operating environment that is substantially different than what these doctrines were developed for in the first place in western and eastern countries.  Secondly, the dynamic nature of the African security domain requires from the African armed forces to train and conduct a wide range of operations that often necessitate the integration of regular and irregular operational strategies.  Thus, for African armed forces, it is not a case of preparing for the one or the other – for regular or irregular warfare; it is a case of developing a tailor-made doctrine to integrate various types of action in one operational sphere and often work with police, and even private military companies, within that particular operational sphere.  Recent operations in northern Nigeria against Boko Haram are a good example in this regard.

 

  1. Following on from this, what needs to be done (training, equipment, doctrine) to assist Africa’s armed forces to conduct successful military operations against the likes of Al Shabaab and Boko Haram?

 

It is quite clear that African armed forces need to build their own institutional memories and capacity.  There is a strong and important imitative dynamic in warfare around the world.  Armed forces always tend to emulate the success of other armed forces.  The problem arises if you emulate the armed forces of countries that have not been successful in fighting irregular wars – if one has to be honest about the track record of western armed forces during the last 20 years and more.  Conventionally, the armed forces of the West have driven the other players off the field; it is like playing rugby against the New Zealand All Blacks – expect to lose. In the domain of irregular warfare, however, their track record is a disaster and not something than can and should be emulated by African armed forces.  The driving force behind any successful military operation is doctrine.  It is doctrine that informs the institutional structure, training and equipment of the armed forces; it is the software that drives the military hardware. But no serious doctrinal development is possible without institutional memory.  The institutional memory relies on the experience of soldiers and the codification thereof in writing.  Without soldiers writing about their experiences, it is impossible to develop a truly home-grown military doctrine for the uniqueness of your own armed forces and the operational environment they need to operate in.

 

  1. We have witnessed in recent years many Western boots on the ground in the Sahel and support for AMISOM in Somalia. What could be done to increase inter-operability between African armed forces and their Western counterparts?

 

This is firstly a matter of upscale and downscale.  There is at present a disequilibrium between the training, doctrine, and equipment of most Western armed forces and those of most African countries.  That disequilibrium is informed by the cornerstones of the Western military tradition – superior technology; group cohesion and exceptional discipline; an aggressive Clausewitzian military doctrine of kill or be killed; military doctrines based on generations of deeply analysed military history; and a state capacity that is able to appropriately finance the military endeavours.  Most African armed forces are struggling with many of these realities of military capacity and it is time for African political and military leaders to prioritise their commitment to their armed forces and to address these matters on a strategic level.  But it is secondly also a matter of African armed forces stepping up to the plate and doing their part.  African armed forces have to become more effective and efficient with what they have.  The essence and driving reality for increasing the effectiveness and efficiency of armed forces is a good quality leadership.  African armed forces can do a lot to increase their interoperability with western armed forces through the quality of their command and control – good leadership.  That is the essential starting point for interoperability.  Of course, the alignment of training and equipment helps; it helps even more if these factors are cemented through regular joint field exercises.

 

Short CV:

Abel Esterhuyse is an associate professor of strategy in the Faculty of Military Science of Stellenbosch University at the South African Military Academy. He is also a research associate of the Centre for Conflict, Rule of Law and Society (CRoLS) at the Bournemouth University in the UK. Prof Esterhuyse teaches a wide variety of courses in the School for Security and Africa Studies of Stellenbosch University, regularly publishes on contemporary security, defence and military issues and has a keen interest in (South African) military history.  He served for five years (2010-2015) as the editor of ScientiaMilitaria: The South African Journal of Military Studies.  His most recent research on “The practice of strategy: South African defence in stasis” was published in the 1/2018 edition of Defence& Security Analysis.

תוצאת תמונה עבור ‪Abel Esterhuyse‬‏

 

The Case for Senegalese Exceptionalism? – Professor Hussein Solomon

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The Case for Senegalese Exceptionalism?

By Hussein Solomon

RIMA Occasional Papers, Volume 6 (2018), Number 6 (April 2018)

West African countries have been mired in conflict since achieving independence. Inter-state and intra-state wars have been the bane as has been the poor civil-military relations witnessed in the numerous coups and attempted coups in the region. Senegal, meanwhile has remained a stable albeit flawed democracy all this time. In recent years, the region has suffered the ravages of Islamist extremism in the form of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Ansar Dine, Boko Haram, Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa, Murabitoun, and countless other groupings as the various extremist organizations disintegrate and coalesce in new formations. Once again, Senegal has remained the exception with no militant Islamist grouping operating on its territory. This is all the more remarkable if one considers that 96.1 percent of Senegalese are Muslim. What accounts for this exceptionalism and what can neighbouring states learn from the Senegalese example?

To understand why Senegal has largely been inoculated from extremism, we need to understand that the overwhelming majority of its Muslims belong to four main Sufi brotherhoods which all subscribe to the notion that the country is a civil state (dawla madaniyah). A civil state implies that religious leaders respect that people are sovereign, that they elect politicians who enact legislation. In a civil state, the political leadership also recognizes that religious leaders have a legitimate role to play in the public sphere. Far from Western secular notions of the separation of Church and State, Senegal then creates the space for both to co-exist in the public sphere. This also implies that Salafist notions of capturing political power in order to make better Muslims through legislation has little traction in the country.

An important caveat needs emphasis here is that the Senegalese state creates the space for all religions equally and not only the majority one. Consider the following: the country recognizes seven public Islamic holidays annually and six for those who are Roman Catholics which only constitute 3.6 percent of the population. Indeed, Senegal goes further and actually subsidizes those Catholics who wish to visit Rome in the same manner that Muslims go on pilgrimage to Mecca. In this way, Senegal celebrates its religious diversity.

It is also important to note that Senegalese education ministry officials work with Muslim imams to ensure that a mutually acceptable curriculum is embarked upon which not only provide learners in Muslim schools with a religious education renown for its tolerance but also the requisite skills to function in the market place. The close interaction between state and Islamic authorities also achieved other social benefits when government officials and imams embarked on a joint programme against female genital mutilation.

The proximity between state and Islamic authorities however also constitutes a danger. Islamists often point to the co-option of the leaders of Sufi brotherhoods by the political leadership. These religious authorities then are also blamed for the failures of the political leadership. One way to avoid this is to ensure that whilst Muslim religious leaders interact with government they stay aloof from politics and refrain from endorsing specific candidates during elections.

Islamists are also adept at exploiting existing grievances in a society for their own ends. Two issues here are of central importance. Youth unemployment and the ongoing separatism movement in southern Senegal. 60 percent of the population is below 25 years of age and they suffer high unemployment rates. Over the years Senegal’s dependence on mining, fishing, agriculture and more recently tourism and construction has not provided the necessary lift to the economy to absorb the millions of unemployed youth. The government, together with its international partners, needs to prioritize industrialization with a view to reducing unemployment and poverty in the country. In the south, meanwhile, The Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance has led an armed insurgency since the 1980s. Various peace initiatives have failed and whilst there is a de facto ceasefire holding, urgent steps need to be taken to ensure that the conflict does not flare up again.

In conclusion, if Senegal can ensure cooperation with religious authorities without co-option; if it can fast track economic development to absorb restless unemployed youth; and if it can bring to a peaceful conclusion the Casamance separatist insurgency, it will retain its exceptionalism in West Africa.

An AK-47 Illustration of Africans – Dr. Glen Segell

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An AK-47 Illustration of Africans

By Glen Segell

(RIMA Occasional Papers, Volume 6 (2018), Number 5 (March 2018

If I were to travel to Africa with a sketch pad and a pencil to make an illustration of Africans I would most likely end up with an illustration of an ethnic African wearing a Muslim taqiyah or keffiyeh head-dress and wielding an AK-47 assault rifle. The head apparel would differentiate Africa over the last 60 years. In the 1950s and 1960s the grandparents of today’s population would also have been wielding Ak-47 assault rifles but wearing a beret. Then it would have been the colonial struggle period of national liberation movements supported with atheistic communist ideology and movements.

Today they wield AK-47 assault rifles because radical Islamic movements have replaced the colonial masters. The wielders are against their own population rather than as nationalist struggles against foreigners. To be sure a reason is due to African nationalist movements having followed communism. When the Soviet Union collapsed circa 1990 so did the support mechanism for African dictators who migrated to democratic systems that also failed due to rampant corruption, mismanagement and lack of confidence in the state system. Failed states throughout Africa were the results.

The consequences were a vacuum that gave potential for the rise in radical Islamic groups in Africa since the 1990s imported as franchises from the Middle East. They coupled with the situation on the ground, African failed states, to become the breeding grounds for violent extremism. Because of failed or non-existent central or even local government the Islamic groups have filled the gap. They have become the social and local governance in political, cultural, social and even economic life. The mosque is social welfare, education and community hall thanks to generous donations from rich Islamic states like Saudi Arabia that follows a strict interpretation of the Koran known as Wahhabism.

The demise of atheistic communism also opened up the space for a radical religious thought among individuals. Here is the background to my illustration; that of a mosque filled with radical extremist Muslims labelled as Salafism. It is a revolutionary idea very appealing to victims or young people who reject the state and there were many who rejected corrupt dictators and failed democracy. It was not surprising that Boko Haram, Ansar Dine or al-Shabab emerged in authoritarian states as Islam was a symbol of rebellion for those oppressed or unjustly treated

So my illustration of Africans may not be representative of the millions of Africans that believe in Islam. It may be different from the more historical and traditional Islam in Africa that is practised by 43 percent of all Africans. Most African states and their citizens are friendly and have a reputation for religious tolerance. Most Muslims worldwide are also friendly and non-violent. It would however be an illustration of the Islamic extremist groups in Africa or Islamists that are the ones making headlines. World-wide Islam is not illustrated by assault rifles yet in Africa it is.

My illustration would be of radical trends in Islam that are becoming increasingly conservative in Africa. Recent examples are in East Africa in Somalia where the al-Shabab militia cut off the hands of two alleged thieves and in West Africa with clashes between the Nigerian Army and Boko Haram. Yet for every action there is an opposite action or reaction. A counter-extremist civil society group in Ghana has helped prevent more than 20 young people from joining the Islamic State. Yet this is also shaping an illustration of a Muslim in Africa because it is reactionary to extremist.

East and West Africa are already well known for the radical Islamists. North Africa is hardly Africa; it is so Middle Eastern. Now Southern Africa is on the agenda. Both Zimbabwe and South Africa are states cause for concern. Their leadership has recently changed on the aftermath of corrupt and protracted rule where their populations were significantly better off before their rule than after it. The former leaders have left states that are moving towards or are already failed states especially in local government. Into the vacuum may step religion such as Islam and with it Islamists and radical and extremist Islamic groups.

So my travel to Africa be it East, West, North or South would show a very similar illustration; that of an ethnic African wearing a taqiyah or keffiyeh head-dress and wielding an assault rifle. Owing to good design and durable components it would probably be the same AK-47 assault rifles of colonial struggle days. The more things change the more things remain the same! The only question yet to be unasked and unanswered is what will follow the Islamists in Africa? What headdress will the grandchildren of today’s extremist wear while wielding their ancestors AK-47 assault rifles?

Politicians versus Practitioners: Who is really responsible for human rights abuses in the aftermath of terrorism-incidents – Dr Anneli Botha

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Politicians versus Practitioners: Who is really responsible for human rights abuses in the aftermath of terrorism-incidents

By Anneli Botha

RIMA Occasional Papers, Volume 6 (2018), Number 4 (March 2018)

In the aftermath of an attack, the public understandably demand answers and action from politicians and security forces. Starting with blame as to why an attack hadn’t been  prevented in the first place, politicians promise action (for political reasons), and the public will hold both accountable if action is not immediate. Accepted action includes immediate answers as to what happened, how it happened and who were responsible, followed by swift action against those deemed responsible. A strong response is intended to be interpreted by the public as ‘being in control’ and not to lose trust in the security forces, while government wants to portray an image of strength to its countrymen and the broader international community. It is often also for this reason that government would claim victory. For example, President Muhammadu Buhari in a statement on Christmas Eve 2017, declared “the long-awaited and most gratifying news of the final crushing of Boko Haram terrorists in their last enclave in Sambisa Forest.” This was echoed on 7 January 2018 by the Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Yusuf Buratai, that his troops have won the war against Boko Haram. These declarations come exactly three years after President Buhari announced that Nigeria had “technically” won the war. While in early February 2018, Abdulrahman Dambazzau, the Minister of the Interior, described the group as “completely decimated” and that the group’s structure was degraded and its leadership dismantled. Minister of Information Lai Mohammed cited the “resumption of flights, bubbling nightlife, and football matches in Maiduguri” as signs normalcy has returned to the Borno State capital. Even more detrimental, Rogers Ibe Nicholas, the Theatre Commander of Operation Lafiya Dole in Maiduguri, declared Boko Haram “completely defeated.”[i] Just to be proven wrong by subsequent attacks, often achieving the opposite of what government intended.

Returning to deciding who should be blamed for human rights abuses. Although the public and politicians will exclusively blame security forces for what transpired, should responsibility for abuses not be shared by politicians who created conditions conducive to abuse? Understandably security personnel decided on the way to act, but being under unrealistic pressure to produce instant answers and bring those to justice without providing the support and necessary ‘tools’ should share the blame.

On a strategic level, driving and committing these abuses give terrorists the moral upper hand, even justifying their actions as ‘understandable’. From the perspective of the terrorists committing these offences – from the kidnapping of girls in Nigeria, suicide bombings in Somalia, etc. – some of the primary objectives of a terrorist attack include: Firstly, exposing the inability of the state and its security forces to protect itself and its citizens against attacks. Secondly, to manipulate the public through fear to put pressure on the governments in order to change their policies towards the organisation. Thirdly, through committing acts of terrorism, terrorists intend to provoke a response from government. In other words, by provoking a response – often an over-reaction – the State and its security forces can be categorised as inhumane and contributing to radicalisation and recruitment. Therefore, government ultimately plays into the hands of the terrorists/insurgents.

In addition to a potential provocation strategy, politicians need to uphold the image of being in control and defuse public pressure. Consequently, the pressure placed on the government to provide answers and act is being transferred to the security forces to deal with those responsible for the attacks. Practically, security forces first need to investigate in order to identify those responsible. However, in reality, the longer it requires security forces to take action is often being interpreted as a sign of incompetence of both the government and its security forces. Consequently, politicians place enormous pressure on commanding officers to act – without completing investigations or gathering reliable information identifying those implicated in the attack. However, neither the public, nor politicians and commanding officers – that are often politically appointed – grasp the complexity of terrorism-related investigations. Even a domestic terror attack, without any international links, can be challenging.

Giving in under pressure, security forces often respond without the required evidence by rounding up any potential suspects in the form of mass arrests, even arresting family members of potential suspects (again without evidence). For example, according to individuals already convicted in Cameroon for their alleged involvement in Boko Haram,  security forces rounded up people indiscriminately, often justifying it by unrealistic reasons or ‘evidence’. Without a criminal justice culture that allows a suspect access to an adequate defence in a fair judicial system, in a majority of cases usually leads to conviction. Military tribunals often held in secret (justified by security concerns)in which the burden of proof is considerably lower than in criminal court, contribute to unfair practices, leaving many that are in fact innocent in prison, often facing long sentences.

In addition to the consequences of wrongful conviction there is the question which agency should take the lead in countering and preventing terrorism: the police or military. Understandably, the police is not equipped or trained to fight a counterinsurgency, similarly the military is not equipped to deal with the public or lead a criminal justice response that is based on the collection of evidence, completing forensic investigations and arresting suspects. Recognising the very different mandates, the military can play a support role to assist the police in establishing control and stability to an area under the control of insurgents. However, once control has been established, the military should step aside and play a supportive role to the police. However, many countries on the continent historically provided more support to the military to secure regime security. Consequently, instead of investing in the police to fulfil its mandate, much needed resources and human investment did not end up where it was really needed. Addressing the public’s perception that those responsible for acts of terrorism do not deserve mercy, is in fact the primary reason for a country to be guided by evidence, the law and not emotions. It is the best strategy to prevent over-reaction as well as identifying and successfully prosecuting those responsible for the atrocities.

A successful prosecution depends on recognising that the law is impartial and should be followed throughout – from the beginning of the investigation till the end. A common mistake is to assume that the legal framework only applies to when the case goes to court. Therefore, the law is not always seen as relevant when it does not suit the investigation, and is consequently disregarded when the investigation or prosecution is confronted with challenges. It is especially under these circumstances that both investigators (police) and prosecution should be guided by the long-term objective (successful prosecution) and not short-term solution (file charges or bring the suspect to court). Through seeing and focusing on the ‘bigger picture’ people need to:

  • Prevent short cuts. Instead go the extra mile in securing that the investigation follows all leads and covers all angles.
  • Focus on the evidence and not perceptions. The presumption of innocence needs to be respected throughout the investigations in the minds of those involved. Therefore, investigators should not exclusively focus on evidence that fits into a pre-set expectation and consequently disregard everything else.
  • Follow operating procedures that respect the legal framework

 

Furthermore, it is essential to respect due process and the rule of law, not only in the country in which the offence was committed, but also in the countries where the suspects were arrested. In not following the rule of law and due process in the country with primary jurisdiction where the case will be heard, illegal procedures in other countries will threaten the entire legal process. For example, the prosecution of suspects arrested in Kenya to be prosecuted in Uganda was threatened under allegations of extraordinary rendition. This is particularly relevant in terrorism-related offences that would be put in the spotlight due to the nature of the incident.

Pressure is a natural consequence of terrorism, yet the manner it is channelled will ultimately influence the success of short-term measures and the long-term strategy against terrorism and radicalization. This requires strategic thinking on the part of government and its security forces not to play into the hands of the enemy. The focus of every member of the security forces therefore needs to be to realise that their actions have consequences that could harm or benefit the country’s counterterrorism strategy and vision. Government equally has a responsibility to be honest with its citizens and allow its security forces to take action, even though it might take time beyond its period in office.

[i]SonalaOlumhense, ‘The ‘defeat’ of Boko Haram’, Punch, 11 February 2018, available at http://punchng.com/the-defeat-of-boko-haram/ (accessed on 14 February 2018).

The Problem with the Study of Extremism/Radicalization in Africa – Professor Hussein Solomon

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The Problem with the Study of Extremism/Radicalization in Africa

By Hussein Solomon

RIMA Occasional Papers, Volume 6 (2018), Number 3 (February 2018)

Following the 9/11 terrorist atrocity, then President George W. Bush launched his infamous Global War on Terror (GWOT). GWOT gave greater powers to security officials, the curbing of civil liberties, the use of so-called enhanced interrogation techniques and the notorious Guantanamo Bay detention facility. GWOT also witnessed the militarization of US counter-terrorism policy which witnessed military intervention in several countries. Unhappiness with the policy soon bubbled to the surface from security officials and academics – pointing out that the policy was simply not working. Despite increased powers and resources to security officials, terrorism was on the increase. Others also pointed out that military force was the wrong tool, that it seemed that the US was using weapons of war as if it was going to war with another state as opposed to an ideology. Critics also pointed to the fact that GWOT was waging war on a symptom and not on its causes – the ideology allowing for the radicalization of Muslims. Recognizing the ideological imperative behind the terrorist act, the Obama Administration moved away from the GWOT and spoke of Countering Violent Extremism (CVE).

In recent years, discourses on extremism and radicalization have dominated the counter-terrorism field, especially in the African context. To be clear this is a welcome departure from GWOT. It is self-evident that we need to understand processes of radicalization if we intend to root out terrorism. At the same time, the study of extremism and radicalization on the African continent has suffered from being too myopic – attempting to understand the phenomenon at individual level without any reference to the broader structural and historical factors at play in the African context. The renowned expert on terrorism and political violence Alex Schmidt once commented: “A number of analyses have observed that the study of radicalization on the micro-level has, to some extent, become a substitute for a fuller exploration of the causes of violent extremism and terrorism. So long as the circumstances that produce Islamist radicals’ declared grievances are not taken into account, it is inevitable that the Islamist radical will often appear as a `rebel without a cause’. It appears that by excluding potentially politically awkward factors like `counter-productive counter-terrorism’ from research – especially government-funded research – too much weight has been put on the `radicalization’ of individuals and the micro-level as an explanatory variable.”

Any attempt to understand the rise of extremism in North-West Africa without reference to historical precedents will be shallow indeed as the indomitable Marc-Antoine Persouse de Montclos makes clear in his historical survey of jihad in Africa. Consider for instance the jihad embarked upon in the Senegal River Valley in 1673 as well as the jihadi roots of the various Fulani uprisings starting in Futa Jallon in 1725 and ending in Macina in 1818. The formation of the Toucouleur Empire of El Hadj Umar Tall from 1856 to 1861 also had its basis in jihad. The most impressive of these jihads was undoubtedly that of Fulani scholar, Uthman dan Fodio which began in 1804 and established a caliphate which endured until the arrival of the British in 1903.These historical precedents are important as groups like Boko Haram imitate the jihad of Uthman dan Fodio and others.

No amount of work on CVE and deradicalization on Niger’s Tuaregs will work unless greater attention is paid to the illegitimate nature of the state, Western powers are seeking to prop up. During 2007-2009 in Niger, former president Tandja conducted a policy of genocide against ethnic Tuaregs. According to Jeremy Keenan this negatively affected two million ethnic Tuaregs in varying ways and degrees. Niger’s current president, Mahammadou Issoufou, is no democrat. He was re-elected president in February 2016 after his main opponent was imprisoned and then forced to flee the country for exile. Other opposition leaders boycotted the polls. Ali Idrissa, a Nigerien journalist, notes that the president and his regime enjoy no legitimacy and that the people feel alienated from the political class. As a result, the government routinely uses repressive means to stay in power. Issoufou and his government sees cooperation with Western powers in the fight against terrorism as a means to extend their reign. Whilst providing the US with bases from which to launch drones against terrorists, Issoufou’s regime receives financial assistance from Washington as well as training and arming of his already repressive security apparatus. This financial assistance hardly gets to the ordinary citizen. As Ali Idrissa bluntly states, “We have a super-rich political class and a mass of people who have been abandoned”. At the same time, political resentment breeds insurgency. Given the fact that 94 percent of Nigeriens are Muslims, this insurgency takes on an Islamic flavour. The government then labels this `terrorist’ and gets Western countries to help suppress an often-legitimate opposition. The discourse of terrorism together with a repressive state security apparatus, armed and trained by Western governments, then becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy as moderate Sufi Islam is then replaced by a more radical Salafi Islam.

Context matters and scholars of radicalization have to discuss these structural factors and not just focus on radicalization at an individual level.

Terrorist Threat Set to Escalate in Africa – Professor Hussein Solomon

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Terrorist Threat Set to Escalate in Africa

By Hussein Solomon

RIMA Occasional Papers, Volume 6 (2018), Number 2 (January 2018)

Perhaps, it is too early in the year to be pessimistic, but the prognosis does not look good for Africa in the realm of security. Indeed, the terrorist threat which has grown exponentially for more than a decade is set to intensify if policy-makers, academics and journalists are correct in their assessments.

The statistics unfortunately reinforce such a pessimistic view. In fact, terrorism on the continent has increased by more than a thousand percent since 2006. According to the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, there has been a total of 12,020 recorded terrorist attacks in Africa between 2006 and 2015. More than just the sheer numbers however have been the fact that the terror attacks have grown in intensity and sophistication. Consider for instance the primitive bow and arrow attacks of motorcycles which Boko Haram initially used to stage attacks with their sophisticated asymmetric warfare tactics currently replete with improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and Mumbai-style simultaneous multiple attacks they have engaged in, in recent years.

Moreover, according to the Global Terrorism Index, there are eight major Islamist groups on the continent who are affiliated to either Al Qaeda or the Islamic State (IS) with a combined force of 52,400 fighters. These fighters are in the process of being augmented by a further 6,000 Islamic State fighters according to the African Union (AU) who are returning to Africa following the fall of their de facto capital Raqqa in October 2017. This bleak assessment on the part of the AU is reinforced by US General Joseph Dunford who indicated that IS intends to establish a larger presence in Africa’s ungoverned or poorly governed spaces. Also confirming such a view, Nathan Sales, the US coordinator for counter-terrorism, specifically noted the strong IS presence in north Africa and its intention to expand its footprint.

To be clear, the IS presence has been growing in recent years across Africa. In 2015, Nigeria’s Boko Haram pledged its allegiance to IS, transforming itself into the Islamic State in West Africa Province. Also in 2015, a senior commander of Al Shabaab, Sheikh Abdulqadir Mumin and his fighters defected to IS, away from the Al Qaeda-aligned Al Shabaab core. Last year, given the inroads that IS has been making in the Sahel and West Africa more broadly as well as in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, the Islamic State in Greater Sahara was established. In 2016 IS was already attacking army checkpoints in Burkina Faso and a maximum-security prison in Niger.

Certain African countries, of course, are more vulnerable than others. The Egyptian armed forces seem to be losing control of the Sinai to the local IS affiliate there. At the same time, Egypt’s western desert is also rapidly developing into another front for the country’s overstretched security forces as arms and IS fighters cross over from Libya into Egypt. Indeed, IS has developed an uncanny ability to exploit existing cleavages in society and to piggy-back on existing grievances to infiltrate target countries. In the conflict between Tuareg and Tebu in southern Libya, they assisted the Tuareg and acquired their loyalty in the process. In Nigeria, their support to Hausa-Fulani and Kanuri ethnic groups against an uncaring central government in Abuja resulted in Boko Haram pledging their loyalty to the organization. There are now increasing indications that Islamic State is increasing its presence in Tunisia given the economic unrest in that country.

In this context, the introduction of 6,000 battled hardened fighters from Iraq and Syria into the African battle space will serve as a force multiplier for IS franchises on the continent.

Architecture is the Second Conquest by Islam of West Africa – Dr. Glen Segell

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Architecture is the Second Conquest by Islam of West Africa

By Glen Segell[1]

RIMA Occasional Papers, Volume 6 (2018), Number 1 (January 2018) 

Each to his own! Organizations of religion tend to need houses of worship for the believers, and to host the offices of the religion on Earth. Here the spread of Islam into West Africa and its conquest of the hearts and minds of the population and their houses of worship persist. The first conquest ongoing for centuries is the conversion of individuals to the beliefs and practices of Islam, the second more recent is the erosion of traditional architecture even that of historical mosque style and construction.

The two conquests are interlinked for if the external view of Islam is Universal and conforms to a singularity then it grants greater centralized control of the individual. In destroying local architecture the local history, culture, and dissent can be eroded as can any variations to the centralized dictates of the religion, beliefs and practices.

Historically the House of Islam in West Africa was dominated by local architecture and building material because Islam was introduced by merchants and traders and not war.[2] Since the 20th Century, this changed due to an imposition akin to a conquest for Middle East style mosques. This conquest initiated by Saudi Arabian religious leaders aimed at eradicating anything local in the practice of the beliefs.

Those regions of the world that had Islam introduced by war tend to have a style of building; wholly imported from the Arabian Peninsula. From the onset of the arrival of Islam the mosques of North Africa to India were characterised by a minaret, a dome, arches and were decorated with mosaics or stucco. Where it was not practical to construct anew there were adaptations. Certain mosques of Spain are converted Catholic churches. Their transformation into mosques and the constructions of ruler’s palaces in the center of new or existing cities, represent colonial urbanism at work.[3]

In contrast, the historical architecture of mosques in West Africa shows that they were determined more by local skills and approaches. Less influential were the Arabs who migrated out of the Arabian Peninsula into Africa due to trade and who introduced Islam gradually. Most West African mosques were simple roofless enclosures serving the function of places for communal prayer. Nevertheless, because of the local influence and domination the style and materials of historical West African mosques varied according to the ethnic group and the local environment. [4]

The style known as “Soudanese” perhaps the most famed found from the River Senegal to the Niger bend as well as Ghana and the Ivory Coast, is bound by common building material: clay. They have a flat roof supported by pillars and the floor is usually covered with sand on top of which mats are laid. Illumination is achieved by holes pierced in the ceiling, interiors are undecorated and their elegant simplicity attests to the lack of distraction between the worshipper and his creator. Their fortress-like exteriors are reminiscent of the defensive architecture of West Africa known as tata.[5]

This style differs from Mali influenced by the local Mande, Dyula and Wangara who were Islamised. The style of their mosques is characterised by their urban dwellings using conical forms particularly found on monumental entrances of courtyard houses and decorated with pilasters and elements in relief alternating with voids.[6]

In the Futa Toro in north-eastern Senegal dwellings are generally preceded by a wooden veranda or mud porch typical of housing in the area. This structure is echoed in the sacred enclosure around Futa mosques consisting of a projecting straw roof supported by posts whose function is to accommodate the overflow of worshippers and protect them from the sun.[7]

In the central and coastal area of Senegal, the influence of European colonialism and Christian missionaries left its mark on mosque building and building methods. A repercussion of this mixes Christian baroque styles with Islamic motifs. The mosque in Dakar is equipped with a front porch defined by arcades with pointed arches. The paired square towers flanking the triangular pediment of the façade recall church architecture.[8]

In the 20th Century, new construction materials including the introduction of cement and the processes of globalisation initiated the onset of the second conquest by Islam. Economic migration furthered as local West African mosques were rebuilt in cement by the returnees or by the money they send home. The nadir came with the imposition from Saudi Arabian religious leaders for conformity. The inevitable result is that the original architecture and style is entirely transformed to conform to the minaret and dome standard encountered elsewhere in the Muslim world. The local knowledge of mosque building and hence individualism is thus eroded.[9]

The use of square minaret towers, domes and other decorative devices such as crenellations, arcades and stained glass are now commonplace in West Africa. Their style is Middle Eastern gleaning inspiration from further afield such as the Gulf States and Medina in Saudi Arabia than African.

This architectural conquest is not restricted to West Africa and has become a global phenomenon demonstrating the second Islamic conquest over the variety of local traditions and techniques that have mirrored, for centuries, different expressions of Islamic culture. The aim is to enact greater centralized control of the individual. In destroying local architecture the local history, culture, and dissent can be eroded as can any variations to the centralized dictates of the religion, beliefs and practices.

 

Notes

[1] Dr. Glen Segell, Research Fellow, Ezri Center for Iran & Persian Gulf Studies, University of Haifa http://gulfc.haifa.ac.il/index.php/publications/414-dr-glen-segell

[2] Prussin, Labelle. Hatumere: Islamic design in West Africa. University of California Press. 1986.

[3] Curl, James Stevens. A Dictionary of Architecture and Landscape Architecture. Oxford University Press. 2006.

[4] Prussin, Labelle. “The Architecture of Islam in West Africa”. African Arts. UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center. 1 (2).

[5] Schutyser, S.; Dethier, J.; Gruner, D. Banco, Adobe Mosques of the Inner Niger Delta. 5 Continents Editions. 2003.

[6] Launay, R., Beyond the Stream: Islam & Society in a West African Town. Berkeley. 1992.

[7] Bourdier, Jean-Paul. The Rural Mosques of Futa Toro. African Arts. African Arts. UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center. 26 (3).           

[8] Cellar, Sheldon. Senegal: An African Nation Between Islam and the West (2 ed.). Westview Press. 1995.

[9] Engy, Farrag. Architecture of mosques and Islamic centers in Non-Muslim context. Alexandria Engineering Journal. 56 (4).